Monday, November 22, 2010

Japan as Cornerstone

In English class we recently spent some time discussing metaphors and their use in our culture and daily speech. Some of these qualify as conventional metaphors, so embedded in the way we understand life we don't even notice they're there. For instance, we commonly refer to death as departure (she's left us), or love as a fire (his passion burns for her), but how often do we choose these metaphors or notice we're using them? These contrast with original metaphors, used by poets and other communicators to make points in a creative manner.

The metaphor I want to explore in the context of Japan is somewhere between conventional and original: it was created and is no way cultural, but it has been used in discourse about the alliance for over 30 years. The metaphor, shockingly enough after the title for this post, is Japan as a the cornerstone of US security efforts in Asia.























I thought about creating a cool graphic juxtaposing a map of East Asia with the image of a cornerstone, but I lack the technical skill.

As far as I can tell, after somewhat intensive and comprehensive research of news sources via Lexisnexis, the first American politician to refer to Japan as "the cornerstone of stability in the vast reaches of Asia and the Pacific" was Gerald Ford in April of 1975 while at a conference with other Asian nations like Australia, New Zealand, and Indonesia.

Apparently Jimmy Carter picked up on the metaphor, because the following year he made it part of his platform while running for President. The US News and World Report from July 26, 1976 quotes the platform as calling Japan the "cornerstone of our Asian interests and policy."

Carter and his administration continued this policy throughout his presidency-
6/8/77- "[Appointed Japanese Ambassador Mike] Mansifed, 74, said that he was carrying Carter's message that the closest possible ties with Japan are 'the cornerstone of American foreign policy.'" Washington Post

3/20/78- "(Significantly, China recently told Japan's Socialist Party that China tacitly supports the U.S.-Japan security treaty, the cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy in the Far East.)" Forbes Magazine

3/8/79- "Both President Carter and Prime Minister Ohira took the opportunity of their meeting to stress anew the importance of the relationship of the two countries. President Carter said, "we consider the relationship with japan to be the cornerstone of the implementation of american policy throughout Asia." Ohira said, "in all aspects of Japan's foreign policy, our partnership with the United States is pivotal." U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke also had this to say: the political and strategic relations of the two countries have become 'closer than any time in memory'." Xinhua News Service

Something eerie
9/23/10- "Obama met Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan in New York, hours after holding talks with China's Premier Wen Jiabao, amid heightened tensions between Tokyo and Beijing over a dispute in the East China sea. 'We have reaffirmed the importance of the US-Japan alliance not only to regional stability, not only to the security of both our countries,' Obama said, after the talks with Kan. 'We believe it's one of the cornerstones of peace and security throughout the world.'" AFP

30 years later the alliance is still cached in similar terms by US leaders. The alliance is still a cornerstone. Now, what exactly is a cornerstone?

Princeton's Wordnet offers several definitions. The first is "basis: the fundamental assumptions from which something is begun or developed or calculated or explained," which is instructive in understanding the use of the term in the context of the alliance, but already rests on a metaphor for what a real cornerstone is: a stone in the exterior of a large and important building.

What happens when we understand the Japanese alliance as foundational to the building of US power in Asia? We view it as static, reliable, but also unchanging and perhaps not requiring change. As is illustrated in a quote from the Gerald Curtis' chapter in the new book Getting the Triangle Straight; Managing China-Japan-U.S. Relations,

"Americans are fond of referring to the alliance with Japan as the “cornerstone” of US policy in East Asia. It is an apt metaphor because a cornerstone just sits there; it is inanimate and reliable, something you can confidently build upon. But the Japanese cornerstone is shifting."

It seems that when we tell Japan and the world that Japan is our "cornerstone," we've always been able to reassure Japan of our commitment. Yet this reassurance is in many ways a threat. If the cornerstone comes out, the whole building comes down. The weight of the imperial edifice (speaking of metaphors) seems to rest in some ways on Japan's shoulders. So while the metaphor of Japan as cornerstone certainly captures an amount of mutual dependence and allegiance, it also dares Japan to try to stop relying on the US for its security. The part of the metaphor which prevents Japan from deeply challenging the alliance structure also makes it inflexible, and perhaps unable to respond to new challenges facing the alliance.

Can a cornerstone really shift?

Thursday, November 18, 2010

New Article in the Economist

Great new article in The Economist about Japanese diplomatic challenges, the Asian aging crisis, and regional soft power.

Monday, November 15, 2010

Japan and Obama

Those of you unconcerned with international diplomacy, or, apparently, the budget might not have noticed that President Obama recently traveled all around Asia. He went to India, his childhood home in Indonesia, South Korea, and Japan. As Jay Leno joked on his show, Obama still hasn't found his birth certificate.

Obama did stop in Japan.

What Obama Did
Rather than deal with actual people due to the complexity of the issues he faces, Obama instead chose to meet with Giant Buddhas and robots.
It would appear he can't even figure the robot out, let alone Japan-US relations.

After he was done meeting with inanimate (no matter how lifelike) objects, the president also stopped over at the APEC economic summit on the sides of which he met with Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan, reassuring him of the US commitment to Japan and Northeast Asian security, especially relative to China, and inviting Kan to visit America in the spring all in the course of an hour.

Does it Matter?
If expectations were high running into the trip, it might've been overly optimistic given the current state of our economy and international standing. However, there is no doubt that failure to pass free trade agreements in South Korea, or make significant headway on Chinese currency issues, regional island disputes, or resolve accompanying tensions certainly prevent the trip from being labeled a success. However, expecting Obama to wave away all these complex issues with a magic wand is probably setting the (magical) bar too high.

There might've been a point where an American President could go overseas and have people tell if not give him whatever they wanted. However, as alluded to in the Stephen Walt post referenced above and here, that time has passed. Other nations are aware that America's time as a total superpower has passed, and, especially on regional issues involving players like China, other countries will become crucial and perhaps necessary to forging progress.

That means that even though conservative editorials in Japan will continue to herald the US-Japanese relationship, and although the relationship will probably remain strong, progress will be much slower than if the US could simply impose its will on the region.

Thursday, November 4, 2010

Senkaku/Diaoyu

The prompt for this post was to write about a word, so why choose two words?

Well, Diaoyu and Senkaku mean the same things, in different languages. Senkaku is Japanese and Diaoyu is Chinese for (wait for it...) a group of islands!

Geography
Here's a map for those of you not intimately familiar with East Asian geography.

As you can see, the islands are in-between China, Japan, and Taiwan, due west of Okinawa, and for those of you who still haven't got your bearings, due north of the southwest end of the Ryukyu Islands. Helpful right?

The ownership of these islands has been disputed (primarily between China and Japan, but also Taiwan, ironically itself a disputed island) for a long time (going on 40 years), and this territorial dispute has been a source of tension in the alliance.

A Dispute
Recently, tensions have flared up, because of the arrest of a Chinese fishing boat captain by Japanese coast guard ships after the fisherman collided with the Japanese ships. If you're less familiar with the dispute, here is an excellent summary.

The discussion of the implications surrounding the incident has been pretty interesting. Initially, many writers, (primarily right-wingers) thought the incident would increase US power in the region, as Japan and other countries realized they needed each other and the US to check back an aggressive China. To some extent, this has been the case, as countries have grown more wary of China. Yet at the same time, China has rejected the US offer to act as mediator, denying the US credibility as a peacemaker, showing China isn't willing to cede that much ground, even if other countries turn to the US to balance China.

I've taken it upon myself to find various solutions and resolutions to the problem. For those of you who didn't click the links, neither Japan nor China have given up their claim to the territory, and offer the same solution: the islands are theirs. The populations of the countries feel the same way, which has only furthered the problem in the form of numerous protests and spilled over to affect diplomacy by creating tensions.

About the Words
Now back to our word(s). Senkaku, Diaoyu? Does it make a difference? It is probably telling that the members of the media (see links above) all refer to the islands by both names when reporting the dispute, unless they are being blatantly partisan. Each name represents a side on the issue, a stance on which country the territory rightfully belongs to. If Obama were to come out and say "The Diaoyu islands belong to China," it would be a lot more powerful than, "The Senkaku islands belong to China." The second, in fact, would be pretty confusing. This demonstrates the surprising power words and names have in shaping current events. They carry a lot of meaning, and the entire dispute could even be seen as a fight over the right to have the islands be called by a certain name.

So next time you refer to this particular island chain, make sure you call it by two names, unless you want your conversation to become an international incident.

Monday, October 25, 2010

Campaign Money

In Japan, political kingpin Ichiro Ozawa is mired in controversy because his party might've been funded by undisclosed sources with vested interests.

Meanwhile back in the US, the Citizens United decision by the Supreme Court has allowed for this, this, this, this, this, and this. In case you don't want to click on the links, anonymous foreign, domestic, corporate, private, and crooked money sources have been funding attack ads nationally.

It might be time for some of this.

Maybe a constitutional amendment is too far. But so is Citizens United.

Which country is practicing American democracy better?



Thursday, October 21, 2010

Democracy and Japan

I decided to play with format for this post, hope you enjoy.

What is American democracy and how do we promote it?
Be more specific.

How have American concepts of democracy affected Japanese democracy?
In a number of ways.

Care to name a few?
Yeah. First is the constitution. After World War II, the US occupied Japan and used this power to reshape Japanese government in its image. Militarism in pre-WWII Japan had damaged hopes at a more traditional parliamentary democracy, so the US took it upon itself build one after.

Is that all?
Nope, we also wrote Article 9 of their Constitution which banned Japan from developing aggressive military capabilities. Although the exact meaning is contested, the gist is that they can't build armed forces unnecessary for defense. No war allowed.

That can't be all that bad.
Beyond the restriction on Japanese freedom of action, the clause has also hindered relations with countries like Indonesia, and, to a lesser extent, the European Union, because the constitution is often interpreted as banning arms exports which many allies would love to get from Japan. Obviously, there are always exceptions when Japan wants to export arms to just the US. Japan's domestic military industrial base would also like to make some money, so they don't always like the ban. Interestingly, the ban has traditionally been popular in Japan, because it led to the three non-nuclear principles which prohibit Japanese nuclear activity of all kinds. Of course, the US still secretly visits Japanese ports with nuclear-armed ships. The Japanese public generally likes the pacifist sentiment. It might have something to do with WWII.
Does this have to connect with English class?
But of course.

How does it?
In Poisonwood Bible, our current book, there is an election. After months of missionary preaching and services, the Congolese village chief finally puts Christianity to a vote. The villagers are asked to democratically decide whether Christianity could be practiced in the village. Christianity looses. Immediately, the preacher declares the process blasphemous and rejects the results. Another example of American democracy internationally.

Bring it all together.
In both cases, we see America telling and forcing a foreign people to adopt democracy in America's image. Yet, rather than allow for the foreign people to have votes and control their own policies, we go by the outcome that suits us most, and, when that outcome isn't the will of the people, we do what we wanted to. Want a nuclear-free country? We'll base missiles in your harbor. Want a Christianity-free village? Elections over Jesus are blasphemous, the show will go on.

So what?
Maybe we shouldn't write ourselves into constitutions. Maybe we shouldn't force ourselves into spiritual lives. Maybe democracy is letting people do what they want to do, not forcing them to do what we want them to want to do.

Tuesday, October 12, 2010

African Aid and Japan

In English class the other day we talked about how the media represents Africa through language and what that says about our perceptions of the continent, and what is emphasized in the way we give aid to Africa. The context for this discussion is our reading of Poisonwood Bible.
We found that American news sources tend to focus on images of instability, disease, corruption, and a lack of opportunity. This fits nicely with US goals of using aid to decrease each of those problems in Africa. Our rhetoric matches our priorities.

Japan also has a deep history of aid in Africa. Although we won't approach that history from the same angle as explained above (representations-> policy), I thought it would be interesting to investigate what types of aid Japan gives and how, how that reflects on American/Japanese cultural differences and priorities framed in terms of national interest. As I say that I realize I don't have time tonight to write a doctoral thesis. Might as well give it a (brief) try.

The main forms of aid Japan gives to Africa are monetary and economic. To avoid funky economic/aid terminology, that simply needs to be understood as money targeted at infrastructure development to stimulate economic growth. Japan ideologically bases this model on Post-WWII policies in Japan that allowed the country to recover from devastation by focusing on rebuilding systems like transportation to attract private investment, instead of trying to build businesses in a vacuum. This by itself reflects a fundamental cultural difference between Japan and the US, in that Japan is able to empathize with African countries on the level of development, and offer perhaps more targeted and effective aid as a consequence. The focus on economic development also showcases a belief, which may emanate from the post WWII experience, that economic help is the best kind of help. Along the lines of the Maimonides quote, give a country infrastructure to develop its own economy, and it will translate into sustainable prosperity, instead of aid-driven booms.

More significantly, an economic focus shows that Japan is seeking economic gains from cooperation with Africa. Japanese policymakers recognize that Africa is a vital emerging market and want to get inroads by helping to bring the market into existence. Japan isn't the largest donor of aid to Africa, but the amount is still substantial, and, along the lines of China, Japan leverages it to an economic end.

The analysis above also explains why Japan provides food aid to countries when it's necessary. Japan views relief and direct aid policies as last ditch efforts to prevent backsliding. Food aid isn't the primary strategy, but when price spikes threaten to unravel years of progress, Japan will do what is necessary to maintain it's strategic advantage.

Countries give aid according to domestic cultural and international narratives. A country that believes it has a responsibility to provide global public goods by stemming endemic diseases like hunger, lack of education, corruption, and, of course, disease is more likely to use forms of foreign aid that directly address these problems, while a country that developed from devastation into the world's third biggest economy and views itself as an economic rather than military power is likely to attempt to share and further an economic narrative by growing emerging markets, and seeking to reap the benefits of that growth.